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Proscribing Peace: How Listing Armed Groups as Terrorists Hurts Negotiations Proscribing Peace: How Listing Armed Groups as Terrorists Hurts Negotiations , by Sophie Haspeslagh, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2021, 240 pp., £80.00 (hardcover), ISBN 9781526157591
In: International peacekeeping, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 162-164
ISSN: 1743-906X
Chairs in Multilateral Negotiations: Roles, Strategies and Impact
In: Forthcoming Alva Myrdal Center Report on Nuclear Negotiations
SSRN
Causal mechanisms in civil war mediation: evidence from Syria
In: European journal of international relations, Band 26, Heft 1, S. 209-235
ISSN: 1460-3713
Studies of conflict management by international organizations have demonstrated correlations between institutional characteristics and outcomes, but questions remain as to whether these correlations have causal properties. To examine how institutional characteristics condition the nature of international organization interventions, I examine mediation and ceasefire monitoring by the Arab League and the United Nations during the first phase of the Syrian civil war (2011–2012). Using micro-evidence sourced from unique interview material, day-to-day fatality statistics, and international organization documentation, I detail causal pathways from organizational characteristics, via intervention strategies, to intervention outcomes. I find that both international organizations relied on comparable intervention strategies. While mediating, they counseled on the costs of conflict, provided coordination points, and managed the bargaining context so as to sideline spoilers and generate leverage. While monitoring, they verified violent events, engaged in reassurance patrols, and brokered local truces. The execution of these strategies was conditioned on organizational capabilities and member state preferences in ways that help explain both variation in short-term conflict abatement and the long-term failure of both international organizations. In contrast to the Arab League, the United Nations intervention, supported by more expansive resources and expertise, temporarily shifted conflict parties away from a violent equilibrium. Both organizations ultimately failed as disunity among international organization member state principals cut interventions short and reduced the credibility of international organization mediators.
World Affairs Online
The Surprising Decline of International Mediation in Armed Conflicts
In: Research and Politics, 2020
SSRN
Causal mechanisms in civil war mediation: Evidence from Syria
In: European journal of international relations, Band 26, Heft 1, S. 209-235
ISSN: 1460-3713
Studies of conflict management by international organizations have demonstrated correlations between institutional characteristics and outcomes, but questions remain as to whether these correlations have causal properties. To examine how institutional characteristics condition the nature of international organization interventions, I examine mediation and ceasefire monitoring by the Arab League and the United Nations during the first phase of the Syrian civil war (2011–2012). Using micro-evidence sourced from unique interview material, day-to-day fatality statistics, and international organization documentation, I detail causal pathways from organizational characteristics, via intervention strategies, to intervention outcomes. I find that both international organizations relied on comparable intervention strategies. While mediating, they counseled on the costs of conflict, provided coordination points, and managed the bargaining context so as to sideline spoilers and generate leverage. While monitoring, they verified violent events, engaged in reassurance patrols, and brokered local truces. The execution of these strategies was conditioned on organizational capabilities and member state preferences in ways that help explain both variation in short-term conflict abatement and the long-term failure of both international organizations. In contrast to the Arab League, the United Nations intervention, supported by more expansive resources and expertise, temporarily shifted conflict parties away from a violent equilibrium. Both organizations ultimately failed as disunity among international organization member state principals cut interventions short and reduced the credibility of international organization mediators.
Mediation in Syria, 2016–19: A Tale of Two Processes
SSRN
Taking center stage: Decoding status hierarchies from group photos of European leaders
In: European Union politics: EUP, Band 19, Heft 4, S. 549-569
ISSN: 1741-2757
I investigate whether group photos of international leaders can provide useful data on interstate status perceptions. I formulate a spatial model of social hierarchy and evaluate it against newly gathered data on the placement of leaders in 121 European Council group photos between 1975 and 2015. I find support for determinants of placement at the international, institutional, and individual levels. The results suggest that: (a) group photos provide a previously untapped source of data on international status; (b) data derived from group photos can supplement existing status proxies based on material capabilities or diplomatic connectivity; (c) group pictures can be particularly useful for discerning status hierarchies among sets of relatively homogenous countries, such as those of the European Union.
Taking Center Stage: Decoding Status Hierarchies from Group Photos of European Leaders
In: European Union Politics, Forthcoming
SSRN
Backdoor peacekeeping: does participation in UN peacekeeping reduce coups at home?
In: Journal of peace research, Band 55, Heft 4, S. 508-523
ISSN: 1460-3578
I advance and test a theoretical argument of how participation in UN peacekeeping affects the likelihood of coup attempts in troop-contributing countries (TCCs). The argument highlights the interplay between the economic incentives of militaries in poor TCCs and the UN's preference for contributors with stable civil–military relations. Fearing the loss of UN reimbursement funds, militaries for which such funds are important will avoid visible acts of military insubordination, such as coup attempts, that would place their future participation in UN peacekeeping at risk. I test this proposition against time-series cross-sectional data on 157 countries in the 1991–2013 period using panel regression and matching. The data show that countries where the armed forces are more dependent on peacekeeping revenues experience fewer coup attempts than comparable peers, even when taking coup-proofing measures and other alternative explanations into account. I also find that the coup-restraining effect is only observed in periods where member states contribute enough troops to award the UN a real choice over alternative contributors. The study introduces a novel theoretic logic, presents empirical results at odds with the existing literature, and suggests important policy implications with regard to UN vetting and standards for troop-contributing countries.
World Affairs Online
Which type of international organizations can settle civil wars?
In: The review of international organizations, Band 12, Heft 4, S. 613-641
ISSN: 1559-7431
World Affairs Online
Backdoor Peacekeeping: Does Participation in UN Peacekeeping Reduce Coups at Home?
In: Journal of Peace Research, Forthcoming
SSRN
Which type of international organizations can settle civil wars?
In: The review of international organizations, Band 12, Heft 4, S. 613-641
ISSN: 1559-744X
Mediation in Syria: initiatives, strategies, and obstacles, 2011–2016
In: Contemporary security policy, Band 37, Heft 2, S. 273-288
ISSN: 1743-8764
Conflict management capacities of peace-brokering international organizations, 1945-2010: a new dataset
In: Conflict management and peace science: CMPS ; journal of the Peace Science Society ; papers contributing to the scientific study of conflict and conflict analysis, Band 33, Heft 2, S. 198-223
ISSN: 0738-8942
World Affairs Online